KATHERINE WALTER dot COM

A MidWestern transgender woman trying to survive in the real life.

Memorial Day Is Not Veterans Day

Rows of headstones marked with American flags stretch across a military cemetery at sunset as a lone service member salutes in remembrance of the fallen men and women who gave their lives in service to the United States. (Image generated by ChatGPT using DALL·E, 2026.)

Every year on Memorial Day, people thank veterans for their service.

I understand why. Most people mean well. They want to show respect to those who wore the uniform, and I appreciate that sentiment. But Memorial Day was never intended to be a celebration of living veterans. That is what Veterans Day is for.

Memorial Day is something different.

It is a day set aside to remember the men and women who never came home.

As a veteran myself, that distinction matters deeply to me. I served in the United States Navy during the era of Operation Desert Storm aboard the USS Minneapolis-Saint Paul. I came home. I was able to continue my life, build a future, struggle, grow, love, fail, succeed, and simply continue existing. The people Memorial Day honors were denied that opportunity.

That is the sacrifice we are meant to remember.

Memorial Day is not about performative patriotism or turning military service into an abstraction. It is not about glorifying war. It is certainly not about reducing remembrance to sales events, social media slogans, or a long holiday weekend without reflection. It is about human beings whose lives ended in service to their country.

Behind every name engraved on a memorial wall was a real person. Someone who had favorite songs, inside jokes, dreams for the future, people they loved, and people who loved them. Some were barely adults. Some left behind spouses and children. Some never had the chance to become who they might have been.

When we lose sight of that humanity, Memorial Day becomes hollow.

I think one reason this misunderstanding happens so often is because American culture tends to merge all military remembrance together into one broad category of “supporting the troops.” But Memorial Day carries a solemn purpose. It is closer in spirit to a funeral than a celebration.

For veterans, especially, this day can carry complicated emotions. Many of us knew people who did not make it home. Others think about how easily circumstances could have been different. Military service creates an understanding of mortality that often stays with a person forever. Memorial Day brings those thoughts closer to the surface.

It should.

We should feel the weight of it.

That does not mean people cannot gather with family or enjoy the day. Life continuing is part of what those who died were protecting. But somewhere amid the cookouts, gatherings, and long weekend traditions, there should also be a moment of silence and honest remembrance.

A moment to think about the cost of war.

A moment to think about the young lives lost across generations.

A moment to remember that freedom is not an abstract phrase. For many families, it came with unbearable personal loss.

I also believe Memorial Day should challenge us to think more carefully about how casually nations sometimes enter conflicts. Honoring the dead should include respecting the gravity of sending human beings into war in the first place. Remembering sacrifice means understanding that these losses were not symbols. They were people.

Today, I am not asking anyone to thank me for my service.

Instead, I ask people to remember those who gave everything and never had the chance to come home.

That is what Memorial Day is for.

The Filipinoization of Stonewall

Father Richard Mickley, founder of MCC Manila and a pioneering figure in LGBTQ+ Christian ministry and Pride activism in the Philippines. Photo courtesy of the LGBTQ Religious Archives Network.

In the summer of 1999, I conducted anthropological fieldwork in Metropolitan Manila for my Master’s thesis at Northern Illinois University. My research focused on how Filipino understandings of homosexuality and gender identity were interacting with emerging Western LGBTQ+ political identities during the era of globalization (Walter, 1999). Looking back more than two decades later, I now realize that I was witnessing a foundational transitional period in Philippine LGBTQ+ history.

My thesis, The Gender Behaviors of Filipino Male Homosexuals in Metropolitan Manila Within the Era of Cultural Globalization, examined the relationship between bakla identity, masculine homosexual identity, class, and globalization within Metro Manila (Walter, 1999). During this period, post-Stonewall LGBTQ+ political discourse from the United States was increasingly circulating through media, activism, universities, and transnational social networks. However, these ideas were not simply imported intact into the Philippines. They were reshaped through Filipino cultural understandings of gender, sexuality, religion, family, and class.

During my fieldwork, I stayed in a house in Santa Mesa associated with the Filipino LGBTQ+ newspaper Manila Out. The editor-in-chief of the paper was Father Richard Mickley, an American minister affiliated with the Metropolitan Community Church (MCC). At the time, I understood him primarily as an older American clergyman deeply involved in local LGBTQ+ ministry and activism. Only later did I fully appreciate his historical importance within Philippine queer history.

Richard Mickley was one of the pioneering figures of openly LGBTQ+-affirming Christian ministry in the Philippines. After relocating to the country in 1991, he founded MCC Manila and became involved with LGBTQ+ advocacy and community organizing (Mickley, n.d.). He later worked alongside organizations such as Pro-Gay Philippines and activists including Oscar Atadero in helping organize the 1994 Pride March in Manila, now recognized as the first Pride march in both the Philippines and Asia (UNDP & USAID, 2014).

One of the most striking aspects of LGBTQ+ activism in Manila during 1999 was how interconnected the movement remained. Activists, students, clergy, journalists, researchers, and organizers frequently occupied the same social and physical spaces. Political organizing occurred not only through formal institutions, but also through apartments, cafés, churches, universities, newspapers, and shared community houses.

Through organizations such as Pro-Gay, Babaylan at the University of the Philippines, Manila MCC, and Manila Out, I conducted participant observation and interviews among Filipino gay men in Metro Manila. During this period, I also marched in the 1999 Manila Pride Parade, experiencing firsthand the growing visibility and political energy of the Philippine LGBTQ+ movement at the turn of the millennium. At the time, the Pride movement in Manila was still relatively small compared to large Western Pride celebrations, but it carried an intense sense of community, activism, and historical importance.

These experiences led me to conceptualize what I described in my thesis as “The Filipinoization of the Legacy of Stonewall” (Walter, 1999). By this, I meant that Filipino LGBTQ+ communities were adapting global queer political frameworks into distinctly Filipino cultural contexts rather than simply reproducing Western identity categories.

This distinction is anthropologically important. Western LGBTQ+ political discourse has often emphasized sexuality through identity categories such as “gay,” “lesbian,” or “bisexual.” In contrast, Filipino concepts such as bakla historically encompassed more fluid intersections of gender expression, sexuality, social role, performance, and class (Garcia, 2008). The globalization of queer politics in the Philippines therefore produced hybrid identities shaped simultaneously by local traditions and transnational political discourse.

Religion also played a major role in these tensions. I attended Catholic Mass with Richard Mickley during my stay in Manila, and although he retained appreciation for Catholic ritual and spirituality, he was sharply critical of institutional Catholic teachings regarding sexuality and LGBTQ+ exclusion. His later writings reflected strong opposition to what he described as “sex-negative theology,” particularly regarding LGBTQ+ marginalization and the Catholic Church’s role during the AIDS crisis (Mickley, n.d.).

Looking back now, I recognize that I was present during a major historical transition in Southeast Asian LGBTQ+ history:

  • the expansion of organized Pride activism,
  • the growth of LGBTQ+ political organizations,
  • the emergence of queer Filipino media,
  • and the globalization of queer political identity at the end of the twentieth century.

At the time, however, these developments did not feel historic. They felt immediate and deeply human. People were organizing marches, publishing newspapers, building communities, debating identity, and creating spaces where LGBTQ+ Filipinos could exist openly within a rapidly changing society.

Richard Mickley passed away on February 14, 2023. Reflecting on my experiences now, I realize that I had the privilege not only to conduct research during a pivotal moment in Philippine LGBTQ+ history, but also to personally participate in that history while encountering one of the individuals who helped shape it.

Perhaps the most important lesson I took from that fieldwork is that global political movements are never simply exported unchanged into new societies. They become translated, localized, and transformed through existing cultural systems. Stonewall did not simply arrive in the Philippines unchanged. It became Filipino.

References

Garcia, J. N. C. (2008). Philippine gay culture: Binabae to bakla, silahis to MSM. University of the Philippines Press.

Mickley, R. (n.d.). Biography and ministry history. Metropolitan Community Church historical materials.

United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], & United States Agency for International Development [USAID]. (2014). Being LGBT in Asia: The Philippines country report.

Walter, K. (1999). The gender behaviors of Filipino male homosexuals in Metropolitan Manila within the era of cultural globalization (Master’s thesis, Northern Illinois University).

Rams’ 2026 Draft Hinges on Ty Simpson

PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA – APRIL 23: Ty Simpson of Alabama celebrates after being selected thirteenth overall pick by the Los Angeles Rams during Round One of the 2026 NFL Draft at Acrisure Stadium on April 23, 2026 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. (Photo by Emilee Chinn/Getty Images)

The 2026 NFL Draft marked a pivotal moment for the Los Angeles Rams as the franchise continues to navigate a post–Super Bowl transition era. Known for aggressive trades and a willingness to sacrifice draft capital for proven talent, the Rams have, in recent years, recalibrated toward a more balanced roster-building strategy. This year’s draft class reflects that shift, with a particular emphasis on long-term stability at the quarterback position. The selection of Ty Simpson stands out as the defining move of their draft.

Ty Simpson entered the draft as one of the more polarizing quarterback prospects. Coming out of Alabama, he demonstrated a strong command of pro-style concepts, an ability to read defenses pre-snap, and above-average arm strength. However, questions persisted regarding his consistency under pressure and his ability to elevate an offense in high-stakes situations. For the Rams, these perceived limitations appear to have been outweighed by his developmental upside.

From a strategic standpoint, the Rams’ interest in Simpson signals a forward-looking approach at quarterback. While the team has relied on veteran leadership in recent seasons, Simpson offers a cost-controlled, developmental option who can be groomed within head coach Sean McVay’s system. McVay has historically excelled at tailoring schemes to quarterback strengths, which could allow Simpson to refine his decision-making while leveraging his technical foundation.

Analysts have noted that Simpson’s collegiate experience in a structured, high-expectation program like Alabama may ease his transition to the NFL (Kiper, 2026; Reid, 2026). His exposure to complex offensive schemes and top-tier competition suggests a higher floor than many developmental quarterbacks. However, the Rams must remain patient. Quarterbacks with Simpson’s profile often require time to adjust to the speed and complexity of NFL defenses.

Beyond Simpson, the Rams’ 2026 draft class appears focused on depth and versatility. Rather than pursuing high-risk, high-reward prospects across the board, the team prioritized players capable of contributing in rotational roles early in their careers. This aligns with a broader organizational trend toward sustainability, particularly as the team manages salary cap constraints and seeks to rebuild depth across key positions.

Critically, the success of this draft will hinge on Simpson’s development trajectory. If he can evolve into a reliable starter, the Rams may have secured their quarterback of the future without the need for costly trades or free-agent acquisitions. Conversely, if he fails to progress, the team could find itself revisiting the quarterback question sooner than anticipated.

In conclusion, the Rams’ 2026 draft reflects a measured yet consequential approach to roster construction. The selection of Ty Simpson represents both a calculated risk and a potential cornerstone for the franchise’s next competitive window. While uncertainty remains, the move underscores a commitment to long-term planning—an approach that may ultimately define the Rams’ success in the years ahead.

References

Kiper, M., Jr. (2026, April 26). 2026 NFL draft grades for 32 teams: Winners, losers, steals, sleepers, favorite picks, classes. ESPN. https://www.espn.com/nfl/draft2026/story/_/id/48547351/2026-nfl-draft-grades-32-teams-kiper-winners-losers-steals-sleepers-favorite-picks-classes

National Football League. (2026). 2026 NFL Draft results and team reports. https://www.nfl.com/draft/tracker/

Why Grocery Bills Keep Rising in America

A family shops for groceries in a supermarket, their concerned expressions reflecting the growing strain of rising food prices on everyday households across the United States. (Image generated by ChatGPT using DALL·E, 2026.)

About a year ago, I could walk into the grocery store, pick up my usual items, and spend around $400 for the month. Today, those exact same items cost closer to $600. Nothing about my habits changed in any meaningful way. What changed were the prices. Like many Americans, I have had to adjust my spending just to stay within budget—cutting back, switching brands, and reconsidering purchases that once felt routine. This shift is not just a personal inconvenience; it reflects a broader and persistent rise in grocery costs across the United States.

Although inflation rates have shown signs of slowing in recent reports, that does not mean prices are going down. It simply means they are rising more slowly. The higher price levels remain in place, which is why many households continue to feel financial pressure despite headlines suggesting improvement. Data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2026) confirm that food-at-home prices have continued to increase over the past year, reinforcing what consumers are experiencing firsthand. At the same time, rising costs are still weighing on consumer spending overall, suggesting that households are being forced to make difficult trade-offs (Mutikani, 2026).

Several overlapping factors help explain why grocery prices have risen so significantly. One of the most important is the cost of energy. Food production and distribution are heavily dependent on fuel, from operating farm equipment to transporting goods across long distances. When energy prices increase, those costs ripple throughout the entire food supply chain. Ongoing geopolitical tensions have contributed to higher oil prices, which in turn drive up costs for producers and retailers alike (Mutikani, 2026; Partington, 2026). These increases are ultimately passed on to consumers at the checkout line.

Supply chain disruptions continue to play a role as well. Even years after the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, global logistics systems remain vulnerable to delays and inefficiencies. Shipping disruptions, increased transportation costs, and production bottlenecks all contribute to higher prices. These issues are often less visible to consumers but have a direct impact on what appears on store shelves and how much it costs.

Trade policy has also influenced grocery prices, particularly through the use of tariffs. Tariffs implemented under President Donald Trump increased the cost of certain imported goods and raw materials. Economists generally agree that tariffs function as a tax on imports, and those costs are frequently passed on to consumers. This has affected a range of grocery items, especially those tied to global supply chains. In some cases, the impact has been quite noticeable. For example, coffee prices have surged due in part to tariffs combined with other global pressures, including environmental factors (Campanile, 2026).

Climate-related challenges add yet another layer of complexity. Droughts and extreme weather events in key agricultural regions have reduced crop yields and tightened supply. When supply decreases while demand remains steady, prices rise. This dynamic has been particularly evident in commodities such as coffee and grains, where environmental stress has compounded existing economic pressures (Campanile, 2026).

There is also an ongoing debate about the role of corporate pricing strategies in sustaining high grocery costs. Some analyses suggest that large retailers increased their profit margins during periods of high inflation and have been slow to reduce them, even as certain costs stabilized. While this is not the sole cause of rising prices, it may contribute to the persistence of higher costs in the marketplace.

One of the most frustrating aspects of this situation is that prices rarely return to previous levels once they rise. Inflation measures the rate of increase, not the reversal of prices. Even if inflation slows, the higher baseline remains. That reality explains why a grocery bill that once totaled $400 now consistently approaches $600 without any clear path back.

It is tempting to attribute these rising costs to a single political figure or administration, but the reality is far more complex. Policies enacted under President Donald Trump, particularly tariffs and trade conflicts, have contributed to upward pressure on prices. However, global factors such as energy markets, geopolitical conflicts, supply chain disruptions, and climate conditions are equally significant. Grocery inflation is the result of multiple forces interacting simultaneously, rather than a single cause.

For households like mine, this shift represents more than an economic trend; it is a daily reality that requires constant adjustment. The increase from $400 to $600 per month is not just a number—it is a meaningful change in how I shop, plan, and budget. Unfortunately, the evidence suggests that these higher prices may represent a new normal. While the pace of increases may slow, the underlying pressures driving those costs are unlikely to disappear anytime soon. As a result, many Americans will continue to do what they are already doing: adapting, cutting back, and trying to make their budgets stretch as far as possible.

References

Campanile, C. (2026, March 29). Coffee prices are skyrocketing faster than all other groceries—and the reason goes way beyond tariffs. New York Post. https://nypost.com/2026/03/29/us-news/the-price-of-coffee-is-skyrocketing-faster-than-all-other-groceries-and-the-reason-goes-way-beyond-tariffs

Mutikani, L. (2026, April 1). U.S. retail sales increase solidly; rising costs threaten spending. https://www.reuters.com/business/us-retail-sales-increase-solidly-february-2026-04-01

Partington, R. (2026, March 26). Markets slump as oil prices surge amid Iran conflict fears. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/business/2026/mar/26/markets-slump-us-israel-war-iran

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2026). Consumer Price Index summary. U.S. Department of Labor. https://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/cpi.pdf

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