A MidWestern transgender woman trying to survive in the real life.

Author: Katherine Walter Page 1 of 21

The Filipinoization of Stonewall

Father Richard Mickley, founder of MCC Manila and a pioneering figure in LGBTQ+ Christian ministry and Pride activism in the Philippines. Photo courtesy of the LGBTQ Religious Archives Network.

In the summer of 1999, I conducted anthropological fieldwork in Metropolitan Manila for my Master’s thesis at Northern Illinois University. My research focused on how Filipino understandings of homosexuality and gender identity were interacting with emerging Western LGBTQ+ political identities during the era of globalization (Walter, 1999). Looking back more than two decades later, I now realize that I was witnessing a foundational transitional period in Philippine LGBTQ+ history.

My thesis, The Gender Behaviors of Filipino Male Homosexuals in Metropolitan Manila Within the Era of Cultural Globalization, examined the relationship between bakla identity, masculine homosexual identity, class, and globalization within Metro Manila (Walter, 1999). During this period, post-Stonewall LGBTQ+ political discourse from the United States was increasingly circulating through media, activism, universities, and transnational social networks. However, these ideas were not simply imported intact into the Philippines. They were reshaped through Filipino cultural understandings of gender, sexuality, religion, family, and class.

During my fieldwork, I stayed in a house in Santa Mesa associated with the Filipino LGBTQ+ newspaper Manila Out. The editor-in-chief of the paper was Father Richard Mickley, an American minister affiliated with the Metropolitan Community Church (MCC). At the time, I understood him primarily as an older American clergyman deeply involved in local LGBTQ+ ministry and activism. Only later did I fully appreciate his historical importance within Philippine queer history.

Richard Mickley was one of the pioneering figures of openly LGBTQ+-affirming Christian ministry in the Philippines. After relocating to the country in 1991, he founded MCC Manila and became involved with LGBTQ+ advocacy and community organizing (Mickley, n.d.). He later worked alongside organizations such as Pro-Gay Philippines and activists including Oscar Atadero in helping organize the 1994 Pride March in Manila, now recognized as the first Pride march in both the Philippines and Asia (UNDP & USAID, 2014).

One of the most striking aspects of LGBTQ+ activism in Manila during 1999 was how interconnected the movement remained. Activists, students, clergy, journalists, researchers, and organizers frequently occupied the same social and physical spaces. Political organizing occurred not only through formal institutions, but also through apartments, cafés, churches, universities, newspapers, and shared community houses.

Through organizations such as Pro-Gay, Babaylan at the University of the Philippines, Manila MCC, and Manila Out, I conducted participant observation and interviews among Filipino gay men in Metro Manila. During this period, I also marched in the 1999 Manila Pride Parade, experiencing firsthand the growing visibility and political energy of the Philippine LGBTQ+ movement at the turn of the millennium. At the time, the Pride movement in Manila was still relatively small compared to large Western Pride celebrations, but it carried an intense sense of community, activism, and historical importance.

These experiences led me to conceptualize what I described in my thesis as “The Filipinoization of the Legacy of Stonewall” (Walter, 1999). By this, I meant that Filipino LGBTQ+ communities were adapting global queer political frameworks into distinctly Filipino cultural contexts rather than simply reproducing Western identity categories.

This distinction is anthropologically important. Western LGBTQ+ political discourse has often emphasized sexuality through identity categories such as “gay,” “lesbian,” or “bisexual.” In contrast, Filipino concepts such as bakla historically encompassed more fluid intersections of gender expression, sexuality, social role, performance, and class (Garcia, 2008). The globalization of queer politics in the Philippines therefore produced hybrid identities shaped simultaneously by local traditions and transnational political discourse.

Religion also played a major role in these tensions. I attended Catholic Mass with Richard Mickley during my stay in Manila, and although he retained appreciation for Catholic ritual and spirituality, he was sharply critical of institutional Catholic teachings regarding sexuality and LGBTQ+ exclusion. His later writings reflected strong opposition to what he described as “sex-negative theology,” particularly regarding LGBTQ+ marginalization and the Catholic Church’s role during the AIDS crisis (Mickley, n.d.).

Looking back now, I recognize that I was present during a major historical transition in Southeast Asian LGBTQ+ history:

  • the expansion of organized Pride activism,
  • the growth of LGBTQ+ political organizations,
  • the emergence of queer Filipino media,
  • and the globalization of queer political identity at the end of the twentieth century.

At the time, however, these developments did not feel historic. They felt immediate and deeply human. People were organizing marches, publishing newspapers, building communities, debating identity, and creating spaces where LGBTQ+ Filipinos could exist openly within a rapidly changing society.

Richard Mickley passed away on February 14, 2023. Reflecting on my experiences now, I realize that I had the privilege not only to conduct research during a pivotal moment in Philippine LGBTQ+ history, but also to personally participate in that history while encountering one of the individuals who helped shape it.

Perhaps the most important lesson I took from that fieldwork is that global political movements are never simply exported unchanged into new societies. They become translated, localized, and transformed through existing cultural systems. Stonewall did not simply arrive in the Philippines unchanged. It became Filipino.

References

Garcia, J. N. C. (2008). Philippine gay culture: Binabae to bakla, silahis to MSM. University of the Philippines Press.

Mickley, R. (n.d.). Biography and ministry history. Metropolitan Community Church historical materials.

United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], & United States Agency for International Development [USAID]. (2014). Being LGBT in Asia: The Philippines country report.

Walter, K. (1999). The gender behaviors of Filipino male homosexuals in Metropolitan Manila within the era of cultural globalization (Master’s thesis, Northern Illinois University).

Rams’ 2026 Draft Hinges on Ty Simpson

PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA – APRIL 23: Ty Simpson of Alabama celebrates after being selected thirteenth overall pick by the Los Angeles Rams during Round One of the 2026 NFL Draft at Acrisure Stadium on April 23, 2026 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. (Photo by Emilee Chinn/Getty Images)

The 2026 NFL Draft marked a pivotal moment for the Los Angeles Rams as the franchise continues to navigate a post–Super Bowl transition era. Known for aggressive trades and a willingness to sacrifice draft capital for proven talent, the Rams have, in recent years, recalibrated toward a more balanced roster-building strategy. This year’s draft class reflects that shift, with a particular emphasis on long-term stability at the quarterback position. The selection of Ty Simpson stands out as the defining move of their draft.

Ty Simpson entered the draft as one of the more polarizing quarterback prospects. Coming out of Alabama, he demonstrated a strong command of pro-style concepts, an ability to read defenses pre-snap, and above-average arm strength. However, questions persisted regarding his consistency under pressure and his ability to elevate an offense in high-stakes situations. For the Rams, these perceived limitations appear to have been outweighed by his developmental upside.

From a strategic standpoint, the Rams’ interest in Simpson signals a forward-looking approach at quarterback. While the team has relied on veteran leadership in recent seasons, Simpson offers a cost-controlled, developmental option who can be groomed within head coach Sean McVay’s system. McVay has historically excelled at tailoring schemes to quarterback strengths, which could allow Simpson to refine his decision-making while leveraging his technical foundation.

Analysts have noted that Simpson’s collegiate experience in a structured, high-expectation program like Alabama may ease his transition to the NFL (Kiper, 2026; Reid, 2026). His exposure to complex offensive schemes and top-tier competition suggests a higher floor than many developmental quarterbacks. However, the Rams must remain patient. Quarterbacks with Simpson’s profile often require time to adjust to the speed and complexity of NFL defenses.

Beyond Simpson, the Rams’ 2026 draft class appears focused on depth and versatility. Rather than pursuing high-risk, high-reward prospects across the board, the team prioritized players capable of contributing in rotational roles early in their careers. This aligns with a broader organizational trend toward sustainability, particularly as the team manages salary cap constraints and seeks to rebuild depth across key positions.

Critically, the success of this draft will hinge on Simpson’s development trajectory. If he can evolve into a reliable starter, the Rams may have secured their quarterback of the future without the need for costly trades or free-agent acquisitions. Conversely, if he fails to progress, the team could find itself revisiting the quarterback question sooner than anticipated.

In conclusion, the Rams’ 2026 draft reflects a measured yet consequential approach to roster construction. The selection of Ty Simpson represents both a calculated risk and a potential cornerstone for the franchise’s next competitive window. While uncertainty remains, the move underscores a commitment to long-term planning—an approach that may ultimately define the Rams’ success in the years ahead.

References

Kiper, M., Jr. (2026, April 26). 2026 NFL draft grades for 32 teams: Winners, losers, steals, sleepers, favorite picks, classes. ESPN. https://www.espn.com/nfl/draft2026/story/_/id/48547351/2026-nfl-draft-grades-32-teams-kiper-winners-losers-steals-sleepers-favorite-picks-classes

National Football League. (2026). 2026 NFL Draft results and team reports. https://www.nfl.com/draft/tracker/

Why Grocery Bills Keep Rising in America

A family shops for groceries in a supermarket, their concerned expressions reflecting the growing strain of rising food prices on everyday households across the United States. (Image generated by ChatGPT using DALL·E, 2026.)

About a year ago, I could walk into the grocery store, pick up my usual items, and spend around $400 for the month. Today, those exact same items cost closer to $600. Nothing about my habits changed in any meaningful way. What changed were the prices. Like many Americans, I have had to adjust my spending just to stay within budget—cutting back, switching brands, and reconsidering purchases that once felt routine. This shift is not just a personal inconvenience; it reflects a broader and persistent rise in grocery costs across the United States.

Although inflation rates have shown signs of slowing in recent reports, that does not mean prices are going down. It simply means they are rising more slowly. The higher price levels remain in place, which is why many households continue to feel financial pressure despite headlines suggesting improvement. Data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2026) confirm that food-at-home prices have continued to increase over the past year, reinforcing what consumers are experiencing firsthand. At the same time, rising costs are still weighing on consumer spending overall, suggesting that households are being forced to make difficult trade-offs (Mutikani, 2026).

Several overlapping factors help explain why grocery prices have risen so significantly. One of the most important is the cost of energy. Food production and distribution are heavily dependent on fuel, from operating farm equipment to transporting goods across long distances. When energy prices increase, those costs ripple throughout the entire food supply chain. Ongoing geopolitical tensions have contributed to higher oil prices, which in turn drive up costs for producers and retailers alike (Mutikani, 2026; Partington, 2026). These increases are ultimately passed on to consumers at the checkout line.

Supply chain disruptions continue to play a role as well. Even years after the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, global logistics systems remain vulnerable to delays and inefficiencies. Shipping disruptions, increased transportation costs, and production bottlenecks all contribute to higher prices. These issues are often less visible to consumers but have a direct impact on what appears on store shelves and how much it costs.

Trade policy has also influenced grocery prices, particularly through the use of tariffs. Tariffs implemented under President Donald Trump increased the cost of certain imported goods and raw materials. Economists generally agree that tariffs function as a tax on imports, and those costs are frequently passed on to consumers. This has affected a range of grocery items, especially those tied to global supply chains. In some cases, the impact has been quite noticeable. For example, coffee prices have surged due in part to tariffs combined with other global pressures, including environmental factors (Campanile, 2026).

Climate-related challenges add yet another layer of complexity. Droughts and extreme weather events in key agricultural regions have reduced crop yields and tightened supply. When supply decreases while demand remains steady, prices rise. This dynamic has been particularly evident in commodities such as coffee and grains, where environmental stress has compounded existing economic pressures (Campanile, 2026).

There is also an ongoing debate about the role of corporate pricing strategies in sustaining high grocery costs. Some analyses suggest that large retailers increased their profit margins during periods of high inflation and have been slow to reduce them, even as certain costs stabilized. While this is not the sole cause of rising prices, it may contribute to the persistence of higher costs in the marketplace.

One of the most frustrating aspects of this situation is that prices rarely return to previous levels once they rise. Inflation measures the rate of increase, not the reversal of prices. Even if inflation slows, the higher baseline remains. That reality explains why a grocery bill that once totaled $400 now consistently approaches $600 without any clear path back.

It is tempting to attribute these rising costs to a single political figure or administration, but the reality is far more complex. Policies enacted under President Donald Trump, particularly tariffs and trade conflicts, have contributed to upward pressure on prices. However, global factors such as energy markets, geopolitical conflicts, supply chain disruptions, and climate conditions are equally significant. Grocery inflation is the result of multiple forces interacting simultaneously, rather than a single cause.

For households like mine, this shift represents more than an economic trend; it is a daily reality that requires constant adjustment. The increase from $400 to $600 per month is not just a number—it is a meaningful change in how I shop, plan, and budget. Unfortunately, the evidence suggests that these higher prices may represent a new normal. While the pace of increases may slow, the underlying pressures driving those costs are unlikely to disappear anytime soon. As a result, many Americans will continue to do what they are already doing: adapting, cutting back, and trying to make their budgets stretch as far as possible.

References

Campanile, C. (2026, March 29). Coffee prices are skyrocketing faster than all other groceries—and the reason goes way beyond tariffs. New York Post. https://nypost.com/2026/03/29/us-news/the-price-of-coffee-is-skyrocketing-faster-than-all-other-groceries-and-the-reason-goes-way-beyond-tariffs

Mutikani, L. (2026, April 1). U.S. retail sales increase solidly; rising costs threaten spending. https://www.reuters.com/business/us-retail-sales-increase-solidly-february-2026-04-01

Partington, R. (2026, March 26). Markets slump as oil prices surge amid Iran conflict fears. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/business/2026/mar/26/markets-slump-us-israel-war-iran

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2026). Consumer Price Index summary. U.S. Department of Labor. https://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/cpi.pdf

Trans Prisoners and Forced Detransition

A transgender woman incarcerated in a federal prison sits alone in her cell, reflecting the growing controversy over policies that could force transgender inmates off hormone therapy under Executive Order 14168. (Image generated by ChatGPT using DALL·E, 2026.)

Executive Order 14168, issued on January 20, 2025 and titled Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government, has reshaped how transgender people are treated by federal institutions. While much public discussion has centered on gender markers or legal recognition of transgender identity, one of the most immediate and dangerous consequences of the order has emerged inside the federal prison system. In particular, policy changes following the order have led to attempts by federal prison authorities to discontinue hormone therapy and other gender-affirming medical treatments for incarcerated transgender people. For many transgender inmates, this policy shift represents not only a denial of identity but also a serious threat to physical and psychological health. At the same time, the logic behind these policies raises broader concerns about how transgender people may be treated by federal institutions beyond the prison system.

The executive order directs federal agencies to recognize only two sexes—male and female—defined as immutable and determined at conception (The White House, 2025). This directive eliminates gender identity as a category recognized in federal administration. When applied to the federal prison system, the policy affects how prisoners are classified, housed, and treated medically. Most critically, it has been used to justify attempts to eliminate or restrict gender-affirming healthcare for incarcerated transgender people.

Gender-affirming hormone therapy is widely recognized by major medical organizations as a necessary treatment for individuals diagnosed with gender dysphoria. Medical consensus holds that hormone therapy can significantly reduce psychological distress, depression, and suicide risk among transgender patients. Within prison environments—where individuals already face isolation, stress, and restricted autonomy—continuity of medical care is considered especially important. Nevertheless, following the issuance of Executive Order 14168, federal prison officials moved to halt or restrict such treatment.

Reporting by the Associated Press indicates that the policy shift prompted the Federal Bureau of Prisons to attempt to terminate or suspend hormone therapy for transgender inmates in federal custody (Riccardi & Kunzelman, 2025). The decision sparked immediate legal challenges from incarcerated transgender individuals who argued that the abrupt withdrawal of medically prescribed treatment would cause severe harm. In multiple cases, courts were asked to intervene to prevent the termination of hormone therapy.

In June 2025, a federal judge ruled that the Bureau of Prisons must continue providing hormone therapy to transgender inmates while litigation proceeds. Reuters journalist Nate Raymond reported that the court found the government had failed to justify abruptly ending treatment that physicians had previously deemed medically necessary (Raymond, 2025). The ruling emphasized that forcing transgender prisoners to discontinue hormone therapy could produce serious psychological consequences and potentially violate constitutional protections against cruel and unusual punishment.

Despite these court rulings, recent reporting suggests that federal prison policies continue to move toward restricting gender-affirming care. In March 2026, Samantha Riedel reported in Them that federal prison authorities had begun implementing policies requiring transgender inmates receiving hormone therapy to gradually discontinue those medications (Riedel, 2026). According to medical experts cited in the report, forced withdrawal from hormone therapy can lead to severe depression, anxiety, and increased risk of self-harm. For individuals who have relied on hormone therapy for years as part of a medically supervised transition, being forced off treatment can trigger profound physical and psychological distress.

These medical risks are particularly concerning in correctional environments. Prison systems already struggle with high rates of mental health crises, and incarcerated individuals frequently have limited access to specialized medical care. When transgender inmates are forced off hormone therapy, the resulting psychological distress can be intensified by the conditions of confinement, including isolation, stigma, and lack of support networks. The loss of hormone therapy can also have visible physical effects that may expose transgender prisoners to additional harassment or violence from other inmates.

Although these developments are occurring within federal prisons, the implications extend beyond incarcerated populations. Policies implemented within prisons often reflect broader ideological frameworks that can shape how government agencies treat marginalized groups more generally. When federal policy defines sex as immutable and rejects the legitimacy of gender identity, that definition may influence how transgender people are treated across a wide range of institutions, including healthcare systems, identification programs, and federal employment policies.

The attempt to eliminate hormone therapy for transgender prisoners demonstrates how quickly policy can shift from symbolic definitions to control over medical care and bodily autonomy. If federal institutions can deny gender-affirming treatment to incarcerated individuals based on a policy redefining sex, similar arguments could potentially be used to justify restrictions in other contexts. While prisoners occupy a uniquely vulnerable position under government authority, policies affecting them can serve as testing grounds for broader administrative approaches.

History offers numerous examples in which policies applied first to prisoners or other marginalized groups later expand into wider legal frameworks. In the case of Executive Order 14168, the removal of gender identity from federal policy raises concerns that transgender people may face increasing barriers to medical care and legal recognition across multiple institutions. For transgender Americans, the developments within federal prisons therefore represent more than a correctional policy dispute; they signal how federal authority may increasingly regulate transgender bodies and identities.

The ongoing legal challenges surrounding hormone therapy in federal prisons will play a significant role in determining the future of transgender healthcare within federal institutions. Courts must decide whether the abrupt withdrawal of medically necessary treatment constitutes deliberate indifference to serious medical needs, which could violate the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment. The outcome of these cases will shape not only the lives of transgender prisoners but also the broader legal landscape governing transgender rights in the United States.

Executive Order 14168 has therefore created a situation in which the treatment of transgender inmates has become a focal point in a larger struggle over recognition, medical care, and bodily autonomy. The attempt to force transgender prisoners off hormone therapy illustrates how administrative policy decisions can translate into immediate and profound consequences for vulnerable individuals. At the same time, it raises deeper questions about how far such policies might extend and what they could mean for transgender people beyond prison walls.

References

Raymond, N. (2025, June 3). U.S. judge says federal prisons must continue hormone therapy for transgender inmates. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/legal/us-judge-orders-prisons-continue-hormone-therapy-transgender-inmates

Riccardi, N., & Kunzelman, M. (2025, January 23). What to know about President Donald Trump’s order targeting transgender rights. Associated Press. https://apnews.com/article/trump-transgender-passports-prisons-eggs-sperm-da1d1d280658a8c85c57cfec2f30cefb

Riedel, S. (2026, March 10). Federal prisons are beginning to force trans inmates off hormone therapy. Them. https://www.them.us/story/federal-prisons-are-beginning-to-force-trans-inmates-off-hormone-therapy

The White House. (2025). Executive Order 14168: Defending women from gender ideology extremism and restoring biological truth to the federal government. https://public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2025-02090.pdf

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