A MidWestern transgender woman trying to survive in the real life.

Month: April 2025

The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism in America Under Trump’s Second Term

WASHINGTON, DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, UNITED STATES – 2024/04/25: An activist holding a sign with Save Our Democracy written on it stands outside the US Supreme Court, as the court prepares to hear arguments on the immunity of former US President Donald Trump in Washington, DC. (Photo by Probal Rashid/LightRocket via Getty Images)

The erosion of democratic norms in the United States has become increasingly evident during President Donald Trump’s second term in office. While formal democratic institutions still exist—elections are held, opposition parties campaign, and courts operate—the substance of democratic governance is steadily being hollowed out. This phenomenon, known as “competitive authoritarianism,” describes a regime type where democratic structures are maintained in name but systematically subverted in practice. The United States, once a model liberal democracy, is beginning to exhibit the core traits of such regimes, and political scientists are issuing increasingly urgent warnings.

Competitive authoritarianism, as defined by political scientists Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, is a hybrid regime that blends formal democratic institutions with authoritarian behavior. It allows for elections and political opposition but ensures that incumbents enjoy unfair advantages and engage in systematic efforts to undercut political competition (Levitsky & Way, 2010). What sets these regimes apart from outright dictatorships is the preservation of the outward trappings of democracy. What distinguishes them from genuine democracies, however, is the deliberate weakening of institutions meant to ensure accountability, transparency, and fairness.

Recent surveys reveal that political scientists overwhelmingly believe the U.S. is moving in the wrong direction. Bright Line Watch, a nonpartisan organization that assesses the health of American democracy through surveys of political science scholars, found a sharp drop in expert evaluations of the nation’s democratic functioning following Trump’s re-election in 2024. Their Democracy Rating, which scored the U.S. at 67 out of 100 just prior to the November election, plunged to 55 within weeks after the new administration took office (Carey, 2025). John Carey, one of the project’s co-directors, remarked that the decline is unparalleled in the project’s history and reflects deepening concerns among scholars that the country is transitioning away from liberal democratic norms.

Indeed, many of the mechanisms of democratic backsliding are now visible. There has been a notable decline in the independence of the judiciary. Courts are increasingly seen as obstacles to be circumvented or delegitimized rather than respected. The administration’s open hostility toward judges who rule against its interests, and its efforts to ignore or delay implementation of adverse rulings, weakens the judiciary’s role as a check on executive overreach (Davies, 2025). In authoritarian regimes, the erosion of judicial independence is a common step toward consolidating power, and the United States appears to be following this well-worn path.

Control over information is another hallmark of competitive authoritarianism, and here, too, the Trump administration has made significant inroads. Efforts to delegitimize critical media, restrict press access, and promote alternative narratives through state-aligned media channels have intensified. Rather than treating journalists as watchdogs of democracy, the administration has cast them as enemies of the state, a tactic historically used by authoritarian leaders to erode public trust in independent reporting (Vanity Fair, 2025). Meanwhile, whistleblowers and dissenting voices within federal agencies face unprecedented retaliation, creating a chilling effect on those who might speak out against abuses of power.

Perhaps most telling is the administration’s brazen politicization of independent institutions. Agencies like the Department of Justice, which are meant to operate without partisan interference, have been systematically filled with loyalists. These appointees often demonstrate an unwavering allegiance to Trump himself rather than to the rule of law or democratic principles. The result is an executive branch that no longer merely implements policy but acts as an instrument of partisan enforcement and retribution (AP News, 2025). In such an environment, the rule of law becomes a weapon wielded selectively rather than a standard applied equally.

The ideological framework behind this shift is equally alarming. Influential figures within Trump’s inner circle, including J.D. Vance and Stephen Miller, advocate for what they term “post-liberal” governance. This philosophy openly rejects pluralism and treats democratic norms as expendable if they stand in the way of achieving right-wing political dominance. Rather than being embarrassed by authoritarian tactics, these actors embrace them as tools to achieve what they view as a higher cultural or political mission. The executive power grab is not accidental but rather a deliberate effort to reshape the United States into a regime that structurally favors one ideological faction (The Atlantic, 2025).

Even academia is under assault. Universities that have resisted administration pressure to eliminate diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives have faced funding threats. Harvard University, for example, had $2.2 billion in federal grants frozen in retaliation for refusing to remove certain DEI programs (The Guardian, 2025). This effort to discipline institutions of higher learning is not merely symbolic. It signals an authoritarian desire to exert control over the production of knowledge and stifle ideological diversity.

Political scientists like Steven Levitsky, who have long studied democratic erosion in other parts of the world, now assert that the United States itself is no longer a full democracy. As Levitsky told NPR, “We are no longer living in a democratic regime” (Davies, 2025). Such a statement, unthinkable even a few years ago, now feels tragically plausible.

The descent into competitive authoritarianism is not inevitable, but it is advancing. If Americans—citizens, scholars, journalists, and public servants alike—fail to defend democratic principles with vigilance and moral clarity, they may soon find that the institutions they took for granted no longer offer any protection. Competitive authoritarianism thrives not in moments of crisis alone, but in the slow, grinding normalization of anti-democratic practices. The United States must wake up to the danger it now faces. The time for complacency has long passed.

References

Carey, J. (2025, April 22). Hundreds of scholars say U.S. is swiftly heading toward authoritarianism. NPR. https://www.npr.org/2025/04/22/nx-s1-5340753/trump-democracy-authoritarianism-competive-survey-political-scientist

Davies, D. (2025, April 22). America’s path to ‘competitive authoritarianism’: Political scientist warns U.S. democracy is unraveling. NPR. https://www.npr.org/2025/04/22/1246322283/levitsky-harvard-democracy

Levitsky, S., & Way, L. A. (2010). Competitive authoritarianism: Hybrid regimes after the Cold War. Cambridge University Press.

The Atlantic. (2025, April 17). A loophole that would swallow the Constitution. https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2025/04/trump-constitution-abrego-garcia/682487/

The Guardian. (2025, April 20). The Trump-Harvard showdown is the latest front in a long conservative war against academia. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/apr/20/harvard-trump-conservative-history-academia

Vanity Fair. (2025, April 23). Trump’s attacks on press freedom are paving the way for authoritarianism. https://www.vanityfair.com/news/story/trump-press-freedom-authoritarianism

AP News. (2025, March 15). Trump’s moves test the limits of presidential power and the resilience of US democracy. https://apnews.com/article/542ac437a58880e81c052f8f2df1643f

Trump’s Rejection of Judicial Authority

GREENBELT, MARYLAND – APRIL 15: Protesters show support for Jennifer Vasquez Sura, the wife of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, who was mistakenly deported to El Salvador, outside Federal Court on April 15, 2025 in Greenbelt, Maryland. The Trump administration admits Abrego Garcia was deported accidentally but has not yet acted on a judge’s order to facilitate his return to the U.S. (Photo by Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images)

The ongoing refusal of the Trump administration to comply with a United States Supreme Court order to assist in the return of Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia marks a chilling affront to the American legal system and the principle of judicial supremacy. Garcia, a lawful permanent resident of the United States and father of a disabled child, was wrongly deported to El Salvador on March 15, 2025, in direct violation of an existing court order. The administration later acknowledged that his removal was an “administrative error”—yet, despite this admission, it has failed to take any substantial action to correct it (Kirchgaessner, 2025). This failure is not simply a bureaucratic misstep. It represents a dangerous consolidation of executive power at the expense of the judiciary and the rule of law.

Upon his arrival in El Salvador, Garcia was detained in the Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo (CECOT), a mega-prison that has gained international notoriety for its brutal conditions and widespread human rights violations (D’Onfro, 2025). His detention there was not based on any criminal wrongdoing, but rather on the Salvadoran government’s agreement to hold him after his improper deportation from the United States. Legal advocates, human rights observers, and lawmakers have described his treatment as an egregious miscarriage of justice, compounded by the U.S. government’s refusal to seek his repatriation.

On April 4, 2025, U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis issued a ruling ordering the federal government to “facilitate” Garcia’s return. This was not merely a suggestion—it was a binding judicial order grounded in well-established principles of due process and the right to legal redress (Van Hollen, 2025). The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the ruling, affirming that Garcia’s deportation was unconstitutional and that the executive branch was obligated to act. When the matter reached the U.S. Supreme Court, the justices unanimously upheld the lower courts’ findings. Though the Court did not mandate Garcia’s immediate return—citing the limitations of compelling action from a foreign sovereign—it left no ambiguity regarding the federal government’s duty to actively work toward his release (Reeves, 2025).

The Trump administration’s response to this unanimous rebuke by the judiciary has been marked not by compliance but by continued defiance. President Trump has claimed that the administration lacks the authority to retrieve Garcia from El Salvador, despite the fact that it was the United States that deported him in the first place. In a joint statement with Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele, Trump asserted that the situation is now out of his hands, a position contradicted by constitutional scholars and the federal courts alike (D’Onfro, 2025; Kirchgaessner, 2025). This abdication of responsibility undermines the judiciary’s role as a co-equal branch of government and sets a precedent in which executive officials may disregard lawful court orders without consequence.

The implications of this case extend far beyond the personal suffering of Kilmar Abrego Garcia and his family. They cut to the heart of American constitutional democracy. When a president refuses to obey a lawful order from the Supreme Court, he does not merely flout protocol—he challenges the very structure of governance. The U.S. legal system depends on the principle that no individual, including the president, is above the law. By ignoring the Court’s decision, the Trump administration has placed itself outside this principle, signaling that judicial mandates are subject to executive convenience rather than constitutional obligation.

Senator Chris Van Hollen, who has taken the unusual step of traveling to El Salvador to personally advocate for Garcia’s release, has characterized the administration’s inaction as a “constitutional crisis” (Van Hollen, 2025). Legal experts and political observers have warned that this incident could erode public confidence in the judiciary and embolden future administrations to disregard unfavorable rulings. Edward Luce (2025), writing for Reuters, noted that “defying the Supreme Court is not just a political gambit—it is a direct assault on the legitimacy of the courts themselves.” If this approach is allowed to stand unchallenged, it risks normalizing a pattern of executive overreach that may be far more damaging to American democracy than any single deportation.

This episode also raises serious questions about the role of international diplomacy in protecting human rights. By deporting a lawful resident into the custody of a foreign prison system with a documented history of abuse, and then refusing to advocate for his return, the U.S. government has abandoned not only Garcia but also its commitment to due process and basic human dignity. The fact that the Supreme Court’s unanimous decision has been effectively ignored should alarm anyone who values the rule of law.

The crisis surrounding Kilmar Abrego Garcia’s wrongful deportation is more than a legal dispute; it is a moral reckoning. It confronts Americans with the question of whether the constitutional checks and balances that have long defined our system of government still hold in practice. The judiciary must not be reduced to a symbolic institution whose rulings can be disregarded at will by the executive branch. Upholding the Court’s authority is not optional—it is essential to preserving the democratic fabric of the nation. If the president is permitted to ignore the courts with impunity, the consequences will reverberate through every aspect of American governance, weakening the very foundations of justice and accountability.

References

D’Onfro, J. (2025, April 10). Trump escalates fight over deportees in El Salvador, weighs sending Americans there next. TIME. https://time.com/7277797/trump-escalates-fight-over-deportees-in-el-salvador-weighs-sending-americans-there-next/

Kirchgaessner, S. (2025, April 8). Judges threaten to prosecute Trump officials over deportation of migrants. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/apr/08/kilmar-abrego-garcia-deportation-trump-court

Luce, E. (2025, April 17). Defiance of U.S. Supreme Court poses tricky price. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/breakingviews/defiance-us-supreme-court-is-tricky-price-2025-04-17/

Reeves, R. (2025, April 12). Supreme Court rebukes Trump over deportation case, calls for Garcia’s return. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/12/us/politics/supreme-court-garcia-deportation.html

Van Hollen, C. (2025, April 14). Statement on efforts to return Kilmar Abrego Garcia. U.S. Senate Press Release. https://www.vanhollen.senate.gov/news/press-releases/statement-on-efforts-to-return-kilmar-abrego-garcia

The Challenges of Funding a Passion Project

There’s something both thrilling and terrifying about trying to bring a dream to life—especially when that dream involves starting your own business. For me, it’s a deeply personal and creative endeavor, one rooted in storytelling, artistry, and adult-themed gaming content. I’ve spent years imagining what this project could become. I’ve laid out sourcebooks, sketched out mechanics, worldbuilding lore, and even envisioned the types of illustrations that would bring it all to life. But as with so many creative projects, the vision is the easy part. The real challenge? Funding.

Starting a business from scratch isn’t just about passion. It’s about resources. And when you’re bootstrapping, every decision becomes a balance between what’s necessary and what’s possible. I’ve had to navigate not only the costs of creating a product—writing, editing, illustration, marketing—but also the costs of forming the business itself: registration fees, professional services, and a platform to actually share the work.

There’s this common idea that if you’re determined and the project is good enough, the money will follow. But that’s not the reality for most of us. Grants and loans tend to favor more conventional ventures. Crowdfunding is a gamble that requires a large and active fanbase before you even launch. And personal savings? That can only stretch so far before you’re making choices between paying for groceries or commissioning another piece of art.

Every step of the way, I’ve asked myself whether it’s worth it. Whether I’m chasing something too niche, too risky, too outside the mainstream. But I keep coming back to the same answer: yes, it is worth it. Not because it’s easy, but because it speaks to something I believe in. I want to create spaces where people feel seen, where fantasy and identity can meet in authentic and affirming ways.

I’m still in the early stages—lining up my structure, scouting for collaborators, and planning out ways to generate steady content. I’ve committed to using a monthly subscription platform to slowly build a following and earn enough to commission the assets I need. It’s a marathon, not a sprint. But it’s mine.

If you’re also in the middle of starting something big with not enough money and a heart full of hope, I see you. It’s hard. It’s exhausting. But it’s not impossible.

We create because we must—and we fight to build something lasting because someone out there is waiting to see what only we can offer.

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