Tag: Gender Studies

The Filipinoization of Stonewall

On May 14, 2026

Father Richard Mickley, founder of MCC Manila and a pioneering figure in LGBTQ+ Christian ministry and Pride activism in the Philippines. Photo courtesy of the LGBTQ Religious Archives Network.

In the summer of 1999, I conducted anthropological fieldwork in Metropolitan Manila for my Master’s thesis at Northern Illinois University. My research focused on how Filipino understandings of homosexuality and gender identity were interacting with emerging Western LGBTQ+ political identities during the era of globalization (Walter, 1999). Looking back more than two decades later, I now realize that I was witnessing a foundational transitional period in Philippine LGBTQ+ history.

My thesis, The Gender Behaviors of Filipino Male Homosexuals in Metropolitan Manila Within the Era of Cultural Globalization, examined the relationship between bakla identity, masculine homosexual identity, class, and globalization within Metro Manila (Walter, 1999). During this period, post-Stonewall LGBTQ+ political discourse from the United States was increasingly circulating through media, activism, universities, and transnational social networks. However, these ideas were not simply imported intact into the Philippines. They were reshaped through Filipino cultural understandings of gender, sexuality, religion, family, and class.

During my fieldwork, I stayed in a house in Santa Mesa associated with the Filipino LGBTQ+ newspaper Manila Out. The editor-in-chief of the paper was Father Richard Mickley, an American minister affiliated with the Metropolitan Community Church (MCC). At the time, I understood him primarily as an older American clergyman deeply involved in local LGBTQ+ ministry and activism. Only later did I fully appreciate his historical importance within Philippine queer history.

Richard Mickley was one of the pioneering figures of openly LGBTQ+-affirming Christian ministry in the Philippines. After relocating to the country in 1991, he founded MCC Manila and became involved with LGBTQ+ advocacy and community organizing (Mickley, n.d.). He later worked alongside organizations such as Pro-Gay Philippines and activists including Oscar Atadero in helping organize the 1994 Pride March in Manila, now recognized as the first Pride march in both the Philippines and Asia (UNDP & USAID, 2014).

One of the most striking aspects of LGBTQ+ activism in Manila during 1999 was how interconnected the movement remained. Activists, students, clergy, journalists, researchers, and organizers frequently occupied the same social and physical spaces. Political organizing occurred not only through formal institutions, but also through apartments, cafés, churches, universities, newspapers, and shared community houses.

Through organizations such as Pro-Gay, Babaylan at the University of the Philippines, Manila MCC, and Manila Out, I conducted participant observation and interviews among Filipino gay men in Metro Manila. During this period, I also marched in the 1999 Manila Pride Parade, experiencing firsthand the growing visibility and political energy of the Philippine LGBTQ+ movement at the turn of the millennium. At the time, the Pride movement in Manila was still relatively small compared to large Western Pride celebrations, but it carried an intense sense of community, activism, and historical importance.

These experiences led me to conceptualize what I described in my thesis as “The Filipinoization of the Legacy of Stonewall” (Walter, 1999). By this, I meant that Filipino LGBTQ+ communities were adapting global queer political frameworks into distinctly Filipino cultural contexts rather than simply reproducing Western identity categories.

This distinction is anthropologically important. Western LGBTQ+ political discourse has often emphasized sexuality through identity categories such as “gay,” “lesbian,” or “bisexual.” In contrast, Filipino concepts such as bakla historically encompassed more fluid intersections of gender expression, sexuality, social role, performance, and class (Garcia, 2008). The globalization of queer politics in the Philippines therefore produced hybrid identities shaped simultaneously by local traditions and transnational political discourse.

Religion also played a major role in these tensions. I attended Catholic Mass with Richard Mickley during my stay in Manila, and although he retained appreciation for Catholic ritual and spirituality, he was sharply critical of institutional Catholic teachings regarding sexuality and LGBTQ+ exclusion. His later writings reflected strong opposition to what he described as “sex-negative theology,” particularly regarding LGBTQ+ marginalization and the Catholic Church’s role during the AIDS crisis (Mickley, n.d.).

Looking back now, I recognize that I was present during a major historical transition in Southeast Asian LGBTQ+ history:

the expansion of organized Pride activism,
the growth of LGBTQ+ political organizations,
the emergence of queer Filipino media,
and the globalization of queer political identity at the end of the twentieth century.

At the time, however, these developments did not feel historic. They felt immediate and deeply human. People were organizing marches, publishing newspapers, building communities, debating identity, and creating spaces where LGBTQ+ Filipinos could exist openly within a rapidly changing society.

Richard Mickley passed away on February 14, 2023. Reflecting on my experiences now, I realize that I had the privilege not only to conduct research during a pivotal moment in Philippine LGBTQ+ history, but also to personally participate in that history while encountering one of the individuals who helped shape it.

Perhaps the most important lesson I took from that fieldwork is that global political movements are never simply exported unchanged into new societies. They become translated, localized, and transformed through existing cultural systems. Stonewall did not simply arrive in the Philippines unchanged. It became Filipino.

References

Garcia, J. N. C. (2008). Philippine gay culture: Binabae to bakla, silahis to MSM. University of the Philippines Press.

Mickley, R. (n.d.). Biography and ministry history. Metropolitan Community Church historical materials.

United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], & United States Agency for International Development [USAID]. (2014). Being LGBT in Asia: The Philippines country report.

Walter, K. (1999). The gender behaviors of Filipino male homosexuals in Metropolitan Manila within the era of cultural globalization (Master’s thesis, Northern Illinois University).

The Dangerous Consequences of Trump’s Attack on Gender Identity

By Katherine Walter

On February 16, 2025

In LGBTQ+ rights

HARRISBURG, PENNSYLVANIA, UNITED STATES – 2025/02/05: A protester holds a placard outside of the Pennsylvania Capitol during a 50501 protest. The 50501 Movement planned to hold 50 protests in 50 states on one day to protest Trump administration policies and Project 2025. (Photo by Paul Weaver/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images)

In early 2025, President Donald Trump signed a series of executive orders aimed at combating what he refers to as “gender ideology.” These policies, while ostensibly framed as efforts to preserve traditional notions of sex and gender, have profound implications not only for transgender individuals but for society as a whole. By enforcing a strict binary definition of sex—recognizing only male and female as determined at birth—the administration has effectively erased federal recognition of transgender and nonbinary identities. This shift has resulted in tangible harm, particularly in healthcare, legal protections, and identity documentation, while also fostering broader societal consequences that erode civil rights, suppress scientific research, and undermine education.

One of the most immediate and devastating consequences of these executive orders is the impact on healthcare access for transgender individuals. Federal funding is now withheld from medical institutions that provide gender-affirming care to individuals under 19, a policy that has led hospitals to suspend essential treatments for transgender youth (Associated Press, 2025a). For many young people, gender-affirming care is a critical component of their mental health and well-being. The American Academy of Pediatrics and other major medical organizations have long supported such care as medically necessary and life-saving. Without access to these treatments, many transgender youth face increased risks of depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation. Additionally, the chilling effect of these policies extends beyond minors; some healthcare providers have reported uncertainty about whether they can continue providing care to transgender adults, fearing legal repercussions or loss of funding.

Beyond healthcare, the administration’s policies have significantly weakened legal protections for transgender individuals. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), which previously handled cases of workplace discrimination based on gender identity, has begun dismissing such cases, citing the new executive orders (Associated Press, 2025b). This rollback of protections leaves transgender and gender-nonconforming individuals vulnerable to discrimination without legal recourse. Employers, emboldened by the administration’s stance, may feel less compelled to uphold inclusive workplace policies, leading to an increase in workplace harassment and job insecurity for transgender employees. The broader implications of this decision extend beyond the transgender community, as it signals a willingness to erode legal protections for marginalized groups, setting a dangerous precedent for future civil rights rollbacks.

Another critical area affected by these executive orders is identity documentation. The State Department has ceased processing passport applications that request gender changes or non-binary designations, forcing transgender individuals to carry identification that does not reflect their gender identity (Time, 2025). This discrepancy can create numerous practical challenges, from difficulties in securing employment to potential discrimination during travel. Many transgender people rely on accurate identification to navigate daily life safely. Without the ability to update legal documents, they face increased risks of harassment, denial of services, and even violence in situations where they are forced to present an ID that does not align with their gender identity.

While these policies directly target transgender individuals, their impact extends far beyond the LGBTQ+ community, undermining the broader framework of civil rights in the United States. The rollback of protections for one marginalized group sets a dangerous precedent that could facilitate further erosions of rights for other communities. Historically, attacks on one group’s civil liberties have often led to broader restrictions on freedoms for others. By allowing the government to dictate rigid definitions of identity and expression, these policies create an environment where personal autonomy is increasingly constrained, affecting anyone who does not conform to the administration’s narrowly defined norms.

The executive orders have also had a chilling effect on scientific research and public discourse. The administration has restricted the use of terms like “gender” and “diversity” in federal agencies, leading to censorship and the alteration of public documents (The Atlantic, 2025). This suppression hampers the ability of scientists and researchers to conduct studies on gender identity, mental health, and healthcare disparities. The impact of such restrictions extends beyond the field of gender studies; when governments suppress scientific inquiry, it threatens the integrity of public health policies and evidence-based decision-making. The ability to study, discuss, and address issues related to gender identity is crucial for developing policies that reflect the realities of diverse populations. By silencing these discussions, the administration is not only harming transgender individuals but also undermining the broader pursuit of knowledge and truth.

Education has also been significantly affected by these executive orders. Schools that support diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs now face the threat of losing federal funding (Politico, 2025). These policies create a hostile environment for educators and students alike, discouraging discussions about gender, identity, and inclusivity in classrooms. Many teachers have already reported feeling uncertain about what they can legally teach regarding gender identity and LGBTQ+ history. The suppression of such discussions limits students’ exposure to diverse perspectives and prevents them from developing critical thinking skills about social issues. Additionally, LGBTQ+ students, particularly transgender youth, are likely to feel increasingly unsafe in school environments where their identities are ignored or invalidated. This rollback of educational inclusivity affects all students by promoting ignorance over knowledge and fostering environments where discrimination is implicitly encouraged.

The consequences of these executive orders highlight a broader societal shift toward authoritarianism and the erosion of personal freedoms. While the immediate effects are most acutely felt by transgender individuals, the long-term implications threaten the rights and liberties of all Americans. By undermining healthcare access, rolling back legal protections, restricting identity documentation, suppressing scientific research, and curbing educational inclusivity, these policies create a society that is less free, less informed, and less just. History has shown that attacks on minority rights often serve as a precursor to broader erosions of democracy and civil liberties. If left unchallenged, these executive orders could pave the way for further government overreach into personal freedoms, affecting not just transgender people but everyone who values individual rights and equality.

In conclusion, the executive orders targeting “gender ideology” have far-reaching consequences that extend well beyond the transgender community. These policies not only strip transgender individuals of their rights but also set a dangerous precedent for civil liberties, scientific research, and education. The fight against these policies is not just about protecting transgender rights—it is about safeguarding the fundamental values of equality, freedom, and democracy. As history has shown, when the rights of one group are attacked, the rights of all are at risk. It is imperative for society to recognize the broader implications of these policies and to resist the erosion of rights before the damage becomes irreversible.

References

Associated Press. (2025a, February 13). Second federal judge pauses Trump’s order against gender-affirming care for youth. https://apnews.com/article/7dc418e445ddf74c7f69c777839373b3

Associated Press. (2025b, February 14). EEOC seeks to drop transgender discrimination cases, citing Trump’s executive order. https://apnews.com/article/73a065c8aa5e0060472e1cac1ecd8212

Politico. (2025, February 15). Democratic AGs win second court ruling against Trump’s order on gender-affirming care. https://www.politico.com/news/2025/02/14/court-ruling-trumps-order-gender-affirming-care-00204467

The Atlantic. (2025, February 15). The erasing of American science. https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2025/02/trump-science-data-gender-dei/681698/

Time. (2025, February 1). The implications of Trump’s executive order on sex. https://time.com/7210389/donald-trump-executive-order-sex-gender-id/

The Impact of Older Men on Teenage Pregnancy

By Katherine Walter

On December 13, 2024

In feminism

Teenage pregnancy, particularly when it involves older men, reveals deep gender and racial inequalities that entrench cycles of disadvantage for young girls. Research has shown that between 20% and 36% of teenage pregnancies result from relationships with men several years older (Boden, Fergusson, & Horwood, 2010; Manlove, Papillo, & Ikramullah, 2004). These pregnancies reflect power imbalances, where young girls—particularly those from ethnic minority backgrounds—are coerced or manipulated into sexual relationships. The overturn of Roe v. Wade and the growing restrictions on abortion access exacerbate this issue, leaving these vulnerable populations, especially ethnic minority girls, at even greater risk. Moreover, the lack of strong policies addressing older men who impregnate preteen girls further highlights the need for comprehensive reform.

Older Men and Teenage Pregnancy: Power and Coercion

The involvement of older men in teenage pregnancies must be understood within the context of gendered and racialized power dynamics. Relationships between older men and young girls are often characterized by significant age gaps and coercive power dynamics. These young girls, especially those from marginalized communities, are particularly vulnerable to such relationships due to factors such as limited emotional and financial support, socioeconomic instability, and cultural pressures that restrict their autonomy.

Research by Manlove et al. (2004) found that approximately 25% of teenage pregnancies stemmed from relationships with men at least five years older than the girl. This issue is more pronounced in ethnic minority communities, where young girls face additional barriers, such as systemic racism, limited access to education, and inadequate healthcare. These power imbalances make it harder for young girls to resist exploitation or make informed decisions about their reproductive health, especially when manipulated by older men.

The Overturn of Roe v. Wade and the Impact on Minority Girls

The Supreme Court’s 2022 decision to overturn Roe v. Wade and return the regulation of abortion to individual states has had profound consequences, especially for young women from marginalized communities. Many states now have restrictive or outright bans on abortion, leaving young girls—particularly those who become pregnant as a result of coercion or relationships with older men—without options. These legal restrictions disproportionately affect ethnic minority girls, who already face substantial barriers to healthcare access.

For these girls, abortion access is further complicated by geographic and financial barriers, as well as parental consent or notification requirements. In states with strict abortion laws, the lack of safe and legal abortion services means that pregnant minors may be forced to carry a pregnancy to term, even if they are ill-prepared emotionally, financially, or socially. This further reinforces cycles of disadvantage, denying these young women the ability to make informed decisions about their futures and exacerbating systemic inequalities (Guttmacher Institute, 2022).

Weak Policies Around Older Men and Preteen Pregnancy

A significant aspect of the problem is the weak policies surrounding older men who impregnate underage girls, particularly preteen girls. Although many states have laws that criminalize sex with minors, these laws are often poorly enforced, and older men who engage in sexual relationships with young girls may face lenient penalties or no consequences at all. This failure to adequately address these situations leaves young girls vulnerable to further exploitation.

For example, many sexual abuse laws fail to adequately consider the unique vulnerabilities of girls in ethnic minority communities, where cultural, social, and economic pressures may prevent them from seeking help or reporting abuse. Even when older men are held accountable, the penalties may be insufficient to deter harmful behaviors or protect young girls from future exploitation (Lammers, Stoker, Jordan, Pollmann, & Fischer, 2011).

Education for Men: Preventing Exploitation Before It Happens

In addressing this issue, it is crucial to focus on preventative measures that can stop exploitation before it occurs. A vital part of this prevention is education. Boys and young men need to be educated early on about the legal and moral consequences of impregnating underage girls. This education should go beyond basic sex education and emphasize the importance of consent, healthy relationships, and the severe consequences of engaging in relationships with minors.

Boys need to understand that exploitation is not only harmful but also punishable by law. By educating young men about these issues, we can foster a culture where sexual exploitation of minors is less likely to occur. Such education can promote respect for boundaries and healthy relationship dynamics, ultimately helping to prevent predatory behavior (Haines & Joffe, 2013).

The Sexualization of Women and Girls in American Culture

The sexualization of women, and especially girls, is embedded in American culture due to the patriarchal structure of society. Media, advertising, and pop culture often portray women and girls as sexual objects, reinforcing the idea that their value is tied to their sexual appeal and appearance. These normalized portrayals of sexual objectification contribute to a societal environment where older men may feel entitled to manipulate or exploit young girls, especially when they view them as available or desirable.

Studies have shown that the sexualization of young girls in the media contributes to the normalization of harmful behaviors toward them. The American Psychological Association (APA, 2007) found that the portrayal of sexualized images of girls in the media negatively impacts their body image, self-esteem, and mental health. Such portrayals create an environment in which young girls are seen as commodities, making it easier for older men to justify their actions of exploitation.

Reproductive Justice and the Need for Stronger Policy

From a feminist perspective, the current state of reproductive rights and protections for young girls is deeply inadequate. Reproductive justice goes beyond the right to abortion and includes the right to live free from violence, coercion, and exploitation. For ethnic minority girls who become pregnant as a result of relationships with older men, this means not only ensuring access to safe and legal abortion services but also strengthening laws to protect these girls from sexual exploitation and abuse.

To achieve reproductive justice, stronger policies are needed to protect young girls from older men who prey on their vulnerability. This includes implementing and enforcing stricter age-of-consent laws, imposing harsher penalties for sexual exploitation, and providing more resources for minors to report abuse and seek help without fear of judgment or retribution. Furthermore, policymakers must ensure that all young women, especially those in marginalized communities, have access to comprehensive sex education, reproductive healthcare, and abortion services (Silliman, Fried, Ross, & Gurr, 2004).

Conclusion

The issue of teenage pregnancy, especially when involving older men, reflects entrenched gender and racial inequalities that limit the autonomy and future opportunities of young girls. The overturn of Roe v. Wade and increasing restrictions on abortion access only exacerbate these challenges, especially for ethnic minority girls who already face significant barriers to healthcare. Additionally, weak policies addressing older men who impregnate preteen girls and the normalization of the sexualization of young girls in American culture contribute to a cycle of exploitation that needs urgent reform.

To move toward true reproductive justice, policies must be reformed to provide stronger protections for young girls, particularly those in marginalized communities. This includes strengthening laws against sexual exploitation, educating young men about the consequences of exploiting minors, ensuring access to reproductive healthcare, and providing comprehensive education and support services for young women. Through these efforts, we can ensure that young girls—regardless of their ethnicity or socioeconomic status—have the opportunity to make informed, autonomous decisions about their bodies and futures.

References

American Psychological Association. (2007). Report of the APA task force on the sexualization of girls. American Psychological Association.

Boden, J. M., Fergusson, D. M., & Horwood, L. J. (2010). Early motherhood and subsequent life outcomes. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 51(2), 167-175. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7610.2009.02191.x

Guttmacher Institute. (2022). Abortion policy in the United States. https://www.guttmacher.org/state-policy

Haines, D., & Joffe, C. (2013). The case for early interventions in preventing sexual violence. American Journal of Public Health, 103(9), 1641-1647. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2013.301299

Lammers, J., Stoker, J. I., Jordan, J., Pollmann, M., & Fischer, A. H. (2011). Power increases infidelity among men and women. Psychological Science, 22(9), 1191-1197. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797611416253

Manlove, J., Papillo, A. R., & Ikramullah, E. (2004). The impact of male involvement on adolescent pregnancies and births: A review of the literature. Child Trends. https://www.childtrends.org/publications/the-impact-of-male-involvement-on-adolescent-pregnancies-and-births-a-review-of-the-literature

Silliman, J., Fried, A., Ross, L., & Gurr, L. (2004). Undivided rights: Women of color organize for reproductive justice. South End Press.