
A split-scene illustration contrasts an early LGBTQ+ protest march filled with activists carrying liberation signs and demanding equal rights against a modern Pride parade featuring rainbow flags, corporate sponsorships, and celebratory crowds, highlighting the movement’s evolution from political resistance to mainstream cultural celebration while emphasizing the continuing struggle for transgender equality. (Image generated by ChatGPT using DALL·E, 2026.)
Every June, millions of people gather for Pride celebrations across the United States. Streets are filled with rainbow flags, corporate logos, political candidates, and festival-like atmospheres. For many participants, Pride is a joyful affirmation of LGBTQ+ identity and a celebration of the progress that has been achieved over the past half century.
Yet Pride was not created as a celebration.
Pride was born from protest.
The first Pride marches emerged in the aftermath of the Stonewall uprising of 1969, when LGBTQ+ people fought back against routine police harassment and discrimination. Early Pride events were acts of political resistance. Participants marched because they faced criminalization, employment discrimination, housing discrimination, family rejection, and social exclusion. Pride was a demand for change, not a celebration of acceptance (TIME, 2020).
Over time, however, Pride changed.
By the late 1990s and early 2000s, LGBTQ+ organizations were increasingly integrated into mainstream political and corporate institutions. Large corporations began sponsoring Pride events. Politicians who once avoided association with LGBTQ+ causes now sought visibility in Pride parades. Pride organizations became larger, more professionalized, and increasingly dependent upon corporate sponsorship and institutional partnerships.
This transformation brought benefits. Greater visibility helped normalize LGBTQ+ identities, and corporate sponsorships provided resources that allowed Pride events to grow dramatically. Yet there was also a cost.
As Pride became more institutionalized, its activist character began to fade. Events that once centered political demands increasingly emphasized entertainment, marketing, and celebration. What had begun as a protest movement gradually evolved into a cultural festival. Many activists have argued that the commercialization of Pride diluted its political message and encouraged the public to believe that the struggle for LGBTQ+ equality had largely been won (Cornell University, 2022).
That perception grew even stronger after marriage equality became law nationwide. For many Americans, the legalization of same-sex marriage represented the culmination of the modern LGBTQ+ civil rights movement. The dominant narrative became one of victory rather than continued struggle.
But for many transgender people, the struggle was far from over.
The tensions between mainstream LGBTQ+ organizations and transgender activists became particularly visible during the debate surrounding the Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA). Throughout the 1990s and 2000s, transgender activists fought for legislation that would prohibit workplace discrimination based on both sexual orientation and gender identity. However, many political leaders and advocacy organizations believed that including gender identity protections would make the legislation more difficult to pass.
In 2007, a version of ENDA was advanced that prohibited discrimination based on sexual orientation but excluded gender identity protections. Supporters of the strategy argued that political realities required compromise. They believed Congress was not prepared to pass a fully inclusive bill and that securing protections for gay, lesbian, and bisexual workers was better than securing no protections at all (Washington Blade, 2017; HRC, 2007).
For many transgender activists, however, this was not a strategic compromise. It was a betrayal.
The message they received was that transgender equality could be postponed because it was politically inconvenient. As a result, transgender activists increasingly relied upon their own organizations and advocacy networks rather than established LGBTQ+ institutions. These groups spent years educating the public, documenting discrimination, challenging exclusionary policies, and building a movement focused specifically on transgender rights.
Over the following decade, public awareness of transgender people increased dramatically. Media coverage expanded. Public opinion shifted. Gender identity became a more visible topic in American political discourse. As transgender rights gained national attention, major LGBTQ+ organizations—including the Human Rights Campaign—became increasingly active advocates for transgender equality.
Many welcomed this support. Additional resources and national visibility strengthened the fight against discrimination. Yet for some transgender activists, the shift was difficult to forget.
From their perspective, transgender organizations had spent years fighting battles that larger LGBTQ+ organizations had either ignored or treated as secondary concerns. Only after transgender rights became more politically visible and socially recognized did many of those larger organizations fully embrace transgender advocacy. The criticism was not that these organizations eventually supported transgender rights. The criticism was that they had not shown the same commitment when doing so carried greater political risk.
This history reflects a broader problem within modern Pride and LGBTQ+ politics. As movements become institutionalized, they often shift from challenging power to managing relationships with power. Organizations become concerned with political access, public relations, donor relationships, and legislative strategy. The result can be a form of respectability politics that prioritizes achievable victories while leaving more controversial or vulnerable communities behind.
Today, transgender people remain the primary targets of legislative attacks on LGBTQ+ rights in the United States. Hundreds of bills have been introduced in recent years targeting transgender healthcare, participation in public life, and legal recognition (Human Rights Campaign, 2026). Yet many Pride events continue to project an image of completed victory rather than ongoing struggle.
Celebration has an important place. LGBTQ+ people deserve joy. They deserve visibility. They deserve to recognize how far the movement has come.
But Pride should never forget why it exists.
Pride was created because LGBTQ+ people were denied equal rights. It was created because marginalized communities demanded justice from institutions that refused to recognize their humanity. If Pride becomes only a celebration, it risks forgetting the very activism that made those celebrations possible.
The history of transgender activism during the ENDA era serves as a reminder that progress is rarely as complete as it appears. Rights can be delayed. Communities can be sidelined. Movements can become comfortable.
The challenge for Pride today is not whether it should celebrate victories.
The challenge is whether it still remembers how to fight.
References
Cornell University. (2022, June 15). Is Pride too commercialized? https://lgbt.cornell.edu/news/pride-too-commercialized-0
Human Rights Campaign. (2007, November 7). U.S. House takes historic step by passing the Employment Non-Discrimination Act. https://www.hrc.org/press-releases/u-s-house-takes-historic-step-by-passing-the-employment-non-discrimination
Human Rights Campaign. (2026). Fighting anti-trans politics. https://www.hrc.org/our-work/stories/fighting-anti-trans-politics
TIME. (2020, June 18). What’s changed—and what hasn’t—in 50 years of Pride parades. https://time.com/5858086/pride-parades-history/
Washington Blade. (2017, November 6). 10 years later, firestorm over gay-only ENDA vote still remembered. https://www.washingtonblade.com/2017/11/06/10-years-later-firestorm-over-gay-only-enda-vote-still-remembered/


Disappointed in Senator Durbin
By Katherine Walter
On November 11, 2025
In Dick Durbin
U.S. Sen. Dick Durbin speaks during the Illinois Democratic County Chairs’ Association brunch on Aug. 13, 2025, in Springfield, Illinois. (Dominic Di Palermo/Chicago Tribune/Tribune News Service via Getty Images)
When I was in college, I volunteered on the campaign of Dick Durbin for his first run for the U.S. Senate seat for Illinois. I remember knocking on doors and speaking to voters about his vision for fairness, compassion, and opportunity. Over the decades since then, I’ve admired his consistency, integrity, and leadership. From his advocacy for civil rights and consumer protections to his steadfast defense of democracy, Senator Durbin has been a voice I have long trusted.
That’s why his recent decision to side with Republicans on a measure to end the federal government shutdown deeply troubles me. According to multiple reports, in November 2025, Senator Durbin joined seven other Democrats in voting to advance a Republican-led continuing resolution intended to reopen the government (Sfondeles, 2025; Grisales & Garrett, 2025). While the bill provided temporary funding and back pay for federal workers, it failed to extend the enhanced Affordable Care Act (ACA) premium tax credits—a lifeline that has helped millions of Americans maintain access to health insurance since 2021 (Associated Press, 2025).
The expiration of these enhanced ACA tax credits could cause premiums to skyrocket, pushing millions off their insurance plans and destabilizing the individual health insurance market (Associated Press, 2025). For years, Democrats have fought to expand and secure these subsidies precisely because they save lives. Abandoning that effort, even temporarily, risks the health and well-being of ordinary families who cannot absorb the cost of rising premiums.
Senator Durbin defended his vote by calling the legislation “imperfect” but “necessary” to alleviate the growing strain on federal workers and agencies during the prolonged shutdown (Grisales & Garrett, 2025). Yet to me, this decision reflects a dangerous form of pragmatism—one that accepts short-term political relief at the expense of long-term justice.
Even more alarming is the fact that this measure arose from Republican efforts to hold the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) hostage in budget negotiations (Potter et al., 2025). Forcing millions of Americans to face hunger in order to extract political concessions is beyond comprehension and morally unacceptable. It reveals the degree to which the GOP is willing to use the most vulnerable members of society as bargaining chips—a tactic that, if not strongly resisted, will surely be used again in the future.
The move sets a disturbing precedent: if political leverage can be gained by threatening to withhold food and healthcare from those in need, what moral boundary remains? Senator Durbin, as the second-ranking Democrat in the Senate, had the power to send a message that such tactics would never be rewarded. Instead, his vote may embolden those who see cruelty as an effective negotiation strategy.
I do not write this out of anger, but out of heartbreak. I have admired Senator Durbin for much of my adult life. His record on immigration, education, and reproductive rights remains admirable. Yet in this moment, he seems to have forgotten that principles, not expedience, are what distinguish true leadership from mere management.
Ending the shutdown matters—but ending it on Republican terms and without protecting healthcare and nutrition assistance for millions sends the wrong message about what our values are worth. Illinois Democrats, including several prominent leaders, have voiced similar disappointment, warning that this compromise “is not a deal—it’s an empty promise” (Crisp, 2025).
As one of the people who once proudly campaigned for Senator Durbin’s first Senate victory, I hope he will remember that Illinoisans have long expected moral courage from him—not accommodation. The enhanced ACA tax credits must be renewed, and SNAP must be protected, not weaponized. The lives and dignity of millions of Americans depend on it.
References
Associated Press. (2025, November 10). An emerging shutdown deal doesn’t extend expiring health subsidies. AP News. https://apnews.com/article/2b5ae3651ff16783a00e00dc1ce264bf
Crisp, J. (2025, November 10). Illinois Democrats at odds with Durbin over vote to end shutdown. Daily Herald. https://www.dailyherald.com/20251110/us-congress-politics/illinois-democrats-at-odds-with-durbin-over-vote-to-end-shutdown/
Grisales, C., & Garrett, L. (2025, November 10). Senators, including Dick Durbin, take first step toward reopening the government after historic shutdown. WGLT (Illinois Public Radio). https://wglt.org/illinois/2025-11-10/senators-including-dick-durbin-take-first-step-toward-reopening-the-government-after-historic-shutdown
Potter, D., Franco, M. A., Peters, S., Wooten, T., Stimers, P., Roberson, J. E., & DeLacy, C. (2025, November 10). Senate advances funding bill to end record shutdown. Holland & Knight Alert. https://www.hklaw.com/en/insights/publications/2025/11/senate-advances-funding-bill-to-end-record-shutdown
Sfondeles, T. (2025, November 10). Sen. Dick Durbin facing backlash once again for joining GOP in measure to end government shutdown. Chicago Sun-Times. https://chicago.suntimes.com/us-senate/2025/11/10/sen-dick-durbin-compromise-measure-federal-government-shutdown-end-democrats-backlash
Sutherland, C. (2025, November 10). The eight senators who broke with Democrats to end the government shutdown. TIME. https://time.com/7332610/8-senators-broke-with-democrats-to-end-government-shutdown/