
A split-scene illustration contrasts an ancient society with a modern urban landscape, divided by a central hourglass symbolizing the passage of time. The composition emphasizes that historical societies should first be understood according to the knowledge, values, and circumstances of their own era before being evaluated through contemporary moral frameworks, illustrating the concept of temporal relativity as an anthropological approach to interpreting the past. (Image generated by ChatGPT using DALL·E, 2026.)
Anthropologists are taught early in their education to avoid ethnocentrism. One of the primary methodological tools for doing so is cultural relativism, the principle that beliefs, customs, and social institutions should first be understood within the cultural context in which they exist rather than judged solely according to the standards of another culture (Boas, 1940; Herskovits, 1972). Cultural relativism does not require anthropologists to approve of every cultural practice they encounter. Rather, it requires them to understand those practices as the people within that society understood them before making comparisons or evaluations.
Over the years, I have wondered whether a similar principle might be applied to the study of the past. I propose the concept of temporal relativity as an anthropological analogy to cultural relativism. By temporal relativity, I mean the methodological principle that societies should first be understood according to the historical circumstances, knowledge, values, and social structures of their own time before being evaluated through the moral or cultural standards of the present.
I recognize that historians have long emphasized historical contextualization and have cautioned against presentism, the tendency to interpret the past primarily through modern assumptions and values. My intention is not to replace those concepts or to speak as a historian. Rather, I am approaching the question from the perspective of anthropology. If cultural relativism helps us understand differences between societies existing at the same time, perhaps temporal relativity can help us understand differences between societies separated by time.
Cultural relativism encourages anthropologists to ask what a particular belief or practice meant to the people who lived it. Instead of asking whether another culture is right or wrong according to our own standards, we ask how that culture understood itself. Temporal relativity asks similar questions, but across history rather than across geography. How did people of a particular period understand their own institutions? What assumptions about family, religion, economics, politics, and morality shaped their decisions? What alternatives were realistically imaginable within the historical conditions in which they lived?
Consider slavery in the ancient Mediterranean. From the perspective of contemporary human rights, slavery is morally unacceptable. Temporal relativity does not ask us to abandon that conclusion. Instead, it asks us first to understand why slavery was nearly universal throughout the ancient world, how it was justified philosophically and economically, and how people within those societies understood the institution. Only after reconstructing that historical framework can meaningful comparisons be made between their moral world and our own.
A similar example can be found in historical understandings of marriage. Many societies considered marriage shortly after puberty to be socially acceptable, often viewing the onset of menstruation as a transition into adulthood. Today, many societies would regard such marriages as child marriage or child abuse. Temporal relativity does not excuse these historical practices. Rather, it asks us to understand how those societies defined childhood, adulthood, family, and responsibility before evaluating them through contemporary moral frameworks.
This distinction between explanation and endorsement is essential. Cultural relativism has sometimes been criticized as encouraging moral relativism or excusing harmful cultural practices. I believe this criticism misunderstands cultural relativism as a methodological approach rather than a moral philosophy. Explaining why a society practiced something is not the same as approving of it. The same distinction applies to temporal relativity. Historical explanation should not be confused with historical endorsement.
One reason I find this concept useful is that it encourages intellectual humility. Every society, including our own, operates within assumptions that often appear self-evident to those living within them. Future generations may judge many of our own beliefs and institutions quite differently than we do today. Recognizing that possibility reminds us that we are not uniquely objective observers standing outside history. We are participants within it.
I do not suggest that the past should become immune from criticism or moral evaluation. Rather, I suggest that understanding should precede judgment. Anthropologists have long argued that understanding another culture requires temporarily setting aside one’s own assumptions. Temporal relativity proposes extending that same intellectual discipline across time. Before asking whether historical societies lived according to our standards, we should first ask how they understood themselves according to theirs.
Whether temporal relativity ultimately proves to be a useful concept is, of course, open to discussion. My intention is not to introduce a new historical methodology but to offer an anthropological perspective on historical interpretation. Just as cultural relativism encourages us to recognize that different societies construct different systems of meaning, temporal relativity encourages us to recognize that different historical periods often inhabited fundamentally different moral and intellectual worlds. Understanding those worlds on their own terms, I believe, allows us not only to understand the past more accurately but also to better recognize the historical assumptions that shape our own present.
References
Boas, F. (1940). Race, language and culture. University of Chicago Press.
Herskovits, M. J. (1972). Cultural relativism: Perspectives in cultural pluralism. Random House.
Novick, P. (1988). That noble dream: The “objectivity question” and the American historical profession. Cambridge University Press.
Tosh, J. (2015). The pursuit of history: Aims, methods and new directions in the study of history (6th ed.). Routledge.
The History of the Word “Woke” and Its Evolution in Modern Discourse
By Katherine Walter
On November 27, 2024
In BIPOC rights
Origins: The Emergence of “Woke” in Black Activism
“Woke” originally emerged within African American Vernacular English (AAVE), where it referred to being awake or aware, particularly regarding social and racial issues. The term dates back to the 1940s, with early uses such as in the 1942 New York Times article that advised readers to “stay woke” in reference to racial inequalities (NPR, 2024). The phrase’s true significance, however, began to take root during the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s when Black activists embraced the term as part of their struggle for racial justice.
To be “woke” was to be conscious of the societal forces that perpetuated racial oppression, and it was a call to action for those who sought to dismantle these systems. It wasn’t merely about awareness but also about staying vigilant in the fight against injustice, whether it was through activism, community engagement, or policy reform.
The Expansion of “Woke” in the 21st Century
The term gained broader recognition in the early 2000s, especially with the rise of social media and its role in organizing movements like Black Lives Matter (BLM). As movements addressing racial inequality, police violence, and systemic oppression grew in prominence, “woke” became synonymous with activism and social consciousness in progressive circles.
“Woke” signified a heightened awareness of not just racial inequality but also other social justice issues such as gender inequality, LGBTQ+ rights, and economic injustice. In this context, the term emphasized a holistic understanding of oppression, recognizing that issues like class, race, and gender were interconnected and demanded intersectional approaches (NPR, 2023). Progressives began using “woke” to encourage others to be conscious of these societal issues and to fight for equality and justice.
Political Weaponization of “Woke”
As “woke” entered the political mainstream, it began to take on a more contentious meaning. Conservative figures began using the term pejoratively to criticize what they viewed as overreach by progressive movements. This shift was particularly evident in the rhetoric of politicians like Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, who criticized the rise of “woke” ideologies in his campaign against “woke culture” (NPR, 2023). DeSantis, in particular, has positioned himself as a champion against what he frames as the excesses of “wokeism,” often linking it to a supposed threat to traditional values, free speech, and American institutions (Mother Jones, 2023).
The term “woke” was increasingly used by the right to describe policies and initiatives promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) in public institutions, particularly in government and the military (NPR, 2024). In this context, conservatives, including figures like Pete Hegseth, argued that such initiatives were an unnecessary imposition on American values, framing “woke” as an unwelcome force in sectors like the Department of Defense (NPR, 2024).
Conservative critiques of “woke” culture have often focused on identity politics, claiming that it fosters division and undermines meritocracy. They argue that “woke” politics prioritizes group identities over individual achievement and promotes a divisive narrative that stifles free expression. For many on the right, “woke” culture represents an attack on traditional institutions and the cultural norms that underpin American society (Mother Jones, 2023).
The Persistence of “Woke” in Progressive Movements
Despite the right-wing backlash, the term “woke” remains a central component of progressive activism. To be woke today is still to be aware of and engaged with the systems of oppression that continue to shape society. It signifies an awareness of the structural inequalities that affect marginalized communities, including those based on race, gender, sexual orientation, and economic status.
For progressives, the label “woke” remains an important symbol of resistance and a commitment to fighting for a more inclusive and just society. It reflects the idea that addressing inequality requires constant vigilance and a willingness to confront injustice wherever it exists. Far from being a negative force, being woke is about staying informed, compassionate, and active in the struggle for social justice.
The use of “woke” by progressives today extends beyond its original association with race. It now encompasses broader struggles for equity and justice, from climate action to LGBTQ+ rights, labor rights, and the fight against voter suppression. “Woke” culture is, in essence, a reminder that the work for justice is far from finished, and that all individuals must remain alert to the ways in which systems of power shape society.
Conclusion: “Woke” as a Reflection of Societal Struggles
The evolution of the term “woke” from a call for racial justice to a politicized label reflects broader societal struggles over the direction of social and cultural change. Initially a term used by Black activists to signify awareness of racial oppression, “woke” has grown into a symbol of resistance to systemic injustice in all its forms. While it has been politicized and weaponized by conservative forces, for progressives, it remains a term that signifies a commitment to confronting inequality and working toward a more just world.
As debates over “woke” culture continue to intensify, it is clear that the term will remain a flashpoint in the ongoing culture wars. For those committed to social justice, “woke” is more than just a label—it is a call to remain engaged in the fight for a world that is equitable, inclusive, and free from discrimination.
References
Mother Jones. (2023, August 1). Negrophilia, “woke,” and the right’s obsession with Black culture. https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2023/08/negrophilia-woke-right-conservative-desantis/
NPR. (2023, July 21). How “woke” became a political tool for both Trump and DeSantis. https://www.npr.org/2023/07/21/1189016049/woke-desantis-trump-black-culture
NPR. (2024, November 14). Pete Hegseth on the Defense Department’s DEI initiatives. https://www.npr.org/2024/11/14/nx-s1-5191941/pete-hegseth-defense-department-dei